In February 2019, almost two years before the presidential election, candidates described their efforts as a “battle for the soul of America.” Sex workers and their loved ones, particularly ones who relied on the internet for work and/or community, were slowly figuring out how to survive one year after SESTA/FOSTAA set of bills that aims to make it easier for online sex trafficking to be stopped. Amidst these shifts, Kamala Harris — the Democrat darling, presidential candidate, and key architect in the legal downfall of Backpage that helped create the political landscape that SESTA/FOSTA was born in — stated her support for the “decriminalization” of sex work. Specifically, she noted, “On the issue of finding a safe place for sex workers, I’m a huge advocate. I always have been.”
Harris had actually endorsed the following, despite these carefully written headlines, which were designed to maximize shareability and discourse. Nordic ModelThe Equality Model, also known as partial decriminalization and the Equality Model, criminalizes sex buyers, while decriminalizing the sale. This was unsurprising to sex workers and abolitionist organizers, given Harris’ past as a “top cop,” dedicated to the opportunistic pursuit of “justice”. The prospect of someone in a position of actual power committing themselves to sex workers’ survival in a world determined to see them as disposable was exciting, but many were quickly disappointed.
Or maybe you’re like Aubrey*, who wasn’t disappointed because they’re never excited about electoral politics. Aubrey, a sex worker in Portland, Oregon, said the ballot wasn’t even worth looking at because “there’s no point in voting.”
“Voting is not harm reduction and only serves to make people feel as if they have a choice, causing them to not push for any further change in other ways,” Aubrey said, while adding that they wouldn’t even consider voting for a pro-decriminalization candidate unless they also support abolition because the former cannot meaningfully exist without the other. Asserting that “abolition will never be on the ballots,” Aubrey chooses to redirect their time and efforts to mutual aid.
Not all sex workers are discouraged from voting. Ariana*, a sex worker in Los Angeles who tries to vote in every election, says they don’t particularly like Democrats, but they “hate them less than Republicans.” But despite their commitment to voting, Ariana admits that they “almost don’t see a point,” as they get older. HH*, a sex worker from Dallas, echoed the sentiment of growing disengagement as they get older, saying, “I was encouraged to vote due to my family forcing me or guilting me into doing so, but I was never actually excited to vote after I came of an age to do so.”
After decades of being told that they would by politicians, policymakers and pundits, and by the people, it is now clear that they are not. aren’t even humanSex workers have learned to double check the records and verify that anyone is promising them support and legislative power. Decriminalizing sex work is a political hotspot, despite it being prominently featured in the campaign promises of politicians leading to the 2020 election cycle. After expressing near unanimous support SESTA/FOSTA: Most legislators are reluctant to admit that anti-trafficking lobbyists are their golden idol. didn’t work. The legislation didn’t end or curb the sexual exploitation of vulnerable people — it just made it harder to find.
Social media sites and community forums were made to limit free expression and to limit the ability for adults to look for hookups with affinity groups. Meta’s (formerly Facebook) terms of service agreements changed drastically to blatantly and implicitly forbid Recognizing the existence and potential consequences of sex, sexuality, or sexual desire. The unintended consequences were so severe and far-reaching, Reps. Ro Khanna (D.Calif.), and Barbara Lee (D.Calif.), and Sens. Elizabeth Warren (D.Mass.) Ron Wyden, D-Ore., introduced and reintroduced legislation to study the SESTA/FOSTA’s impact on sex workers. This particular group of co-sponsors is intriguing, given the fact that Warren has been long considered to be a foe for sex workers. joint legislation In 2018, she introduced a bill with Senator Marco Rubio (R-Fla.), that would restrict their access to financial services.
SESTA/FOSTA does not end the sociopolitical minefield of being an American sex worker. Legislation like this was passed in 2018. SISEA EARN-IT, which aim to narrow privacy protections and autonomy under the guise of “protecting the children” is gaining support. Despite the pleas of privacy and tech experts, researchers, and sex workers alike, legislators are failing to recognize this. This seems to reflect an increasingly oppressive social environment that is becoming more difficult for anyone. You can also deviant. Earlier this year, Pittsburgh’s first Black mayor, Ed Gainey (D), was all too happy to claim the endorsement of DecrimPAThe city promised a comprehensive policy to decriminalize sex work, but it was abandoned and doubled down. increasing fundingFor the same police department. admits to entrappingVice stings are a common venue for drug users and sex workers. Governor Kathy Hochul (D). evaded clear answers on her support for true decriminalization during her reelection campaign, hedging with promises of hearing from “many advocates and people who have strong opinions.” Texas Gov. Greg Abbott (R), who is also up for reelection in Texas, has gone so far as veto protectionsFor minors who have been victims of human trafficking, they can be prosecuted for prostitution.
Even now, even the Supreme Court has launched a campaign against the few privacy and rights protections that are available to Americans. This has given credence to almost a decade worth of cautionary cries from sex workers as well as organizers. The following quote is from the Dobbs v. Jackson majority opinion, “Attempts to justify abortion through appeals to a broader right to autonomy and to define one’s ‘concept of existence’ prove too much … Those criteria, at a high level of generality, could license fundamental rights to illicit drug use, prostitution, and the like.” Despite the clear threat to the health, well-being, and privacy of those most affected by the overturning of Roe v. WadeDemocratic politicians have returned to their old ways and began bombarding potential voters via fundraising emails, making repeated promises about reproductive rights. If they get enough votes, they will continue to do so. Andy*, a sex worker and registered Democrat from Providence, Rhode Island, says she hasn’t felt any shift in her political commitments (or lack thereof) following the overturning of Roe v. Wade.
“My commitment to organizing stays the same, but I hope folks now being radicalized learn from elder organizers instead of overshadowing with non-intersectional feminism,” they said.
This is despite a near-pathological inability to keep their campaign promises, such as student debt relief, protection for migrants, and combating global warming. Democratic candidates and their staunchest supporters of the blue wave have doubled their efforts to address criticisms for inaction. vote-shaming The most disenfranchised or demoralized. Mocking rural voters, the poor, and Southerners for the failures in their elected officials, despite the long-term consequences campaigns of gerrymandering And voter suppressionIt appears to be a particular favorite. For some politicians, like Beto O’Rourke, capitalizing on the organizing power of sex workers is a no-brainer, but only if they stick to a pre-approved script that doesn’t highlight the political establishment’s failure to meet their needs. Rarely, if at all, is finger-wagging paired up with concrete policy, or action that serves these same marginalized communities, who are roundly scolded about their disinvestment from the political system. For HH*, the constant cycle of broken promises has taken its toll. Not even endorsement for the decriminalization of sex work could get them to the polls because “vocal support from politicians means nothing in the grand scheme of things.”
RB*, a sex worker in Philadelphia, is a registered voter and participates in a mix of local and national elections but feels no real enthusiasm or encouragement to do so. Instead, she prefers to be involved in local organizing efforts. This is common amongst sex workers who have to operate outside the traditional housing and finance systems, especially for migrants and people who were previously incarcerated.
Local advocacy groups that fill gaps left by government systems or other organizers love to host workshops and teach-ins to share information. Milly*, a sex worker who spends their time engaged with Filipino American communities in Long Beach, California, works to fill knowledge gaps for sex workers who left the DSA when the organisation refused to take a stance on the decriminalisation of sex work. Although sex workers are no strangers at being ostracized and marginalized, it is not unusual for them to be excluded from the political struggle with their comrades. Forced to balance legislative overreach and an increasingly regressive society that hovers between apathy for their plight and outright hostility at their existence, it’s no wonder that sex workers are particularly discouraged from participating in a system that doesn’t serve or support them. Sex workers don’t accept their circumstances and refuse to give up, but they continue to organize for themselves as well as others. harm reduction.
